Dear Jaga/Karl/Nicotshek/Kai, John and Jeanne,
This is democracy at work. The past twenty years center-right, leftwing, rightwing, center-left, center right (the PO-PSL government) and now PiS again have ruled. It is the will of the people, the voters have spoken. We Polish diapora and people with interest in Poland from abroad can be critical about it, but it is how the Poles feel.
In my opinion PiS is rightwing to center-right in the social-cultural, ethnical and national level. In the Dutch media the party is called a Nationalist-conservative party with Populistic elements in it. And that is ofcourse coloured with a Dutch, Western-European glasses on. It is clear to me that a conservative influence of the Polish Roman-Catholic clergy in the churches must have had some influence. Ofcourse most PO members, voters and politicians are Roman-Catholics too, but maybe slightly less conservative and Polish socialist as PiS. Because in the financial-economical sense PiS is socialist like Unia Pracy, SDPL (Socjaldemokracja Polska) and the larger Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD).
Law and JusticeLaw and Justice (
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), abbreviated to
PiS, is a
national-conservative political party in
Poland. With 138 seats in the Sejm and 30 in the Senate, it is currently the second-largest party in the Polish parliament.
The party was founded in 2001 by
the Kaczyński twins,
Lech and
Jarosław. It was formed from part of
the Solidarity Electoral Action (
AWS), with
the Christian democratic Centre Agreement forming the new party's core.
The party won the 2005 election, while
Lech Kaczyński won
the presidency.
Jarosław served as
Prime Minister, before calling
elections in 2007, in which the party came second to
Civic Platform (
PO). Several leading members, including
Lech Kaczyński, died in
a plane crash in 2010.
Lech and Jarosław KaczyńskiThe party programme is dominated by
the Kaczyńskis' conservative and
law and order agenda. It has embraced
economic interventionism, while maintaining
a socially conservative stance that
in 2005 moved towards the Catholic Church; the party's
Catholic-nationalist wing split off in
2011 to form
United Poland.
The party is mildly eurosceptic.
PiS is a member of
the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (
AECR) European political party. The current sixteen PiS MEPs sit in
the European Conservatives and Reformists (
ECR)
group in
the European Parliament.
Lech and Jarosław KaczyńskiIdeologyInitially the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than
the Civic Platform. It has adopted the social market economy rhetoric of western European Christian democratic parties. In the 2005 election, the party shifted to the protectionist left on economics. As Prime Minister,
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was more economically liberal than
the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to
Civic Platform. However, unlike Civic Platform, whose emphasis is the economy,
Law and Justice's focus is fighting corruption.
On foreign policy,
PiS is Atlanticist and
less supportive of European integration than Civic Platform. The party is
soft eurosceptic, and
opposes a federal Europe. In its campaigns, it emphasises that
the European Union should 'b
enefit Poland and not the other way around'. It is a member of the anti-federalist Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, having previously been a part of the Alliance for Europe of the Nations and, before that, the European People's Party.
PiS EconomyThe party supports a state-guaranteed
minimum social safety net and
state intervention in the economy within market economy bounds. During the election campaign it proposed
tax decrease to two personal tax rates (18% and 32%) and
tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as
a reduction of the VAT rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates).
18% and 32% tax rates were eventually implemented. Also:
a continuation of privatisation with the exclusion of several dozen state companies deemed to be of strategic importance for the country.
PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also
proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans (also unimplemented[citation needed]).
PiS on Social issuesThe party's views on social issues are broadly similar to those of conservative parties in other European countries. It favors restrictions on abortion, which is already illegal except in extraordinary circumstances. It is also against euthanasia. It opposes same-sex marriages or any other form of legal recognition of homosexual couples. The PiS are highly critical of sex and violence in the media.
PiS promotes itself as a pro-family party. Prior to elections, it promised to build 3 million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples get married. Once in government, it pushed through legislations lengthening maternal leaves and offered qualified support to the idea of giving parents a grant for every newly-born child. It favors shutting down large supermarkets on Sundays and holidays, so their workers can spend more time with their families.
While PiS presents itself as a champion of the Catholic Church,
its policies do not always align with the Church's teaching. It has also shown some flexibility in such matters as
in vitro fertilization and
stem cell research.
Comment:My (Pieter) worry is that the new PiS government will be a potential danger to the Polish financial and economical succes of the past decade and that to large government spending on social programs will harm the Polish position on the European and world markets.
We are more secular in the Netherlands, but if you look at the Dutch polls the far right Populist
PVV party of
Geert Wilders has 20.1 percent of the votes (31 seats in parliament), the largest center right party and government party, the conservative-liberal (PO like) VVD has 17.9 percent of the votes (28 seats in paliament), the center-right social-conservative Christian-Democrats of the CDA 12.1 percent of the votes (18 seats in parliament), the christian-fundamentalist Calvinist Protestant SGP has 3 percent of the votes (4 seats in parliament) and 50PLUS, a Pensioners' interests political party in the Netherlands; which gains 3.8 percent in the polls (5 seats in parliament). And therefor the right has a majority of 56.8 in parliament.
The left and center left gains 42.4 percent of the votes: The Social-DemocraticDutch Labour Party (PvdA) (A government party in coalition with the center right VVD: 8.7 percent of the votes, which means 13 seats in parliament. This is a historical low, when you consider that the PvdA (Labour party) always was as large as the PVV and VVD now. They have dropped dramatically.
The center-left pragmatic liberal D66: With 14 percent of the votes the pragmatic liberal and partly center-left libertarian party this once small centrist party gaines the most votes of the leftwing parties in these polls. It will have 21 seats in parliament.
The Socialist SP: the Socialists with their leftwing populist and traditional leftwing social-democratic propaganda, excellent party machine and campaigns took a lot of votes away from Labour (PvdA) and the GreenLeft party. But even these leftwing populists saw and see a loss in votes to the rightwing populist PVV party of Geert Wilders. The SP has 8.4 percent of the votes which is 13 seats in parliament. (Thus Labour and the Leftwing Patriotic SP are equally big in the polls)
The christian-democratic, social-christian (Biblical) ChristianUnion: 4 percent of the votes which means 6 seats in parliament.
The Leftwing liberal and partly socialist and Green ecological GreenLeft party: Has 5.8 percent of the votes which means 8 seats in parliament.
The situation for the left is less dramatic than in Poland, but the right, center-right and centrist parties are stronger. The left has no power in parliament, nor in the provincial and local councils. There is a rightwing climate, and even within some left parties you see, conservative, populist, anti-migrant tendencies. Especially with some local SP (Socialist) and Labour party politicians and organisations. We point at Eastern-Europe and Central-Europe and say, see those Nationalistic, religious, xenophobe Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Greeks. But look at Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Belgium, France, Italy, Austria and Switzerland. Nationalists, rightwing populists, xenophobes and others disguise themselves in so called reasonable national-patriotic, conservative parties. They are the same as the former far right, but today moderate Rightwing Populists (with Social-democratic, Christian-Democratic, Liberal-conservative FDP/VVD roots) merge with the old and new far right. This new phenomenon of the respected rightwing populists cooperating with the far right neo-nazi and hooligan elements is a new development in Germany (and other countries too).
Cheers,
Pieter