The anger goes deep with these women. If the government don't act against violence against women, the rage of women becomes high.
It seems they attack symbols which they consider to be patriarchal. In the last symbol sprayed on the ground an anarchist sign seems to be merged with the female sign.
Lucía Sánchez Saornil (13 December 1895 – 2 June 1970), was a Spanish poet, militant anarchist and feminist. She is best known as one of the founders of Mujeres Libres and served in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista (SIA). Mujeres Libres (English: Free Women) was an anarchist women's organization in Spain that aimed to empower working class women. Initiated in 1936 by Lucía Sánchez Saornil, Mercedes Comaposada, and Amparo Poch y Gascón, it had approximately 30,000 members. The organization was based on the idea of a "double struggle" for women's liberation and social revolution and argued that the two objectives were equally important and should be pursued in parallel.
Anarcha-feminism, also referred to as anarchist feminism, anarcho-feminism and anarchx-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism. It generally views patriarchy and traditional gender roles as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association. They believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Contrary to popular belief and contemporary association with radical feminism, anarcha-feminism is not an inherently militant outlook. It is described to be an anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive philosophy, with the goal of creating an "equal ground" between all genders. Anarcha-feminism suggests the social freedom and liberty of womenwithout needed dependence upon other groups or parties.
The Anarcha-feminists Saornil (left) and Goldman (center) in Spain during the 1930s.
Another symbol of anarchist feminism: in the center of the Venus symbol is a raised fist
In "The Tyranny of Tyranny", Cathy Levine noted that feminists often practiced anarchist organizing ethics in the 1970s as "all across the country independent groups of women began functioning without the structure, leaders and other factotems of the male Left, creating independently and simultaneously, organisations similar to those of anarchists of many decades and locales." This was as a counter to dominant Marxist forms of organizing that were hierarchical and authoritarian.
Anarcha-feminst banner between Anarchist flags during an Anarchist demonstratio
Anarchism gives rise to feminism in West Germany
A prominent example for this gives the founding of the Frauenzentrum Westberlin in 1973: “We simply skipped the step of a theoretical platform, which was a must in other groups. Even before this meeting there was a consensus, so that we didn’t need a lot of discussion, because all of us had the same experience with left-wing groups behind us.”
It was the women of the Undogmatische Linke, “the Sponti women (from spontaneous) who (re-)founded the feminist movement. For that reason it is worth taking a closer look at anarchist theory and tradition,” notes Cristina Perincioli and explains: “In the 1970s, the ‘68er movement split into many factions of a Leninist, revisionist or Maoist bent, each following their various dogmas. The membership numbers of the non-dogmatic left, in contrast, remained tiny, less than 1 percent of the overall Left. We had no dogmas, no pioneering thinkers and no leaders. How were we supposed to find out what would make political sense now? Which objectives were worth pursuing? How should we proceed? Among the dogmatists, all these questions were handled by a small leadership circle or even dictated by the GDR (German Democratic Republic) or China. We non-dogmatics sought inspiration elsewhere. For instance, we read the works of Frantz Fanon, the publications of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense the memoirs of the Russian-American anarchist Emma Goldman, and maintained contacts with French and Italian autonomous groups.“ The West German women's centers - cradle of all those feminist projects in the 1970s – were so inventive and productive because: “Every group at the Berlin women’s center was autonomous and could choose whatever field they wished to work in. The plenary never tried to regiment the groups. Any group or individual could propose actions or new groups, and they were welcome to realize their ideas as long as they could find enough people to help them. There was thus no thematic let alone political “line” that determined whether an enterprise was right and permissible. Not having to follow a line also had the advantage of flexibility.” (..) “We constantly and collectively developed the women’s center’s self-understanding. We therefore do not have a self-understanding on paper, but are learning together“ states the Berlin women's center's info in 1973.
State funding rejected
Autonomous feminists of the women's centers viewed the West German state with deep distrust. To apply for state funds was unthinkable (apart for a women's shelter). In the 1970s the search for terrorists would affect any young person active in whatever groups. Over years women's centers were searched by Police as well as cars and homes of many feminists. The West Berlin women's center went on a week-long hunger strike in 1973 in support of the women strike in prison and rallied repeatedly at the women's jail in Lehrter Straße. From this jail Inge Viett escaped in 1973 and 1976.
Militant women in West Germany
In the West Berlin anarchist newspaper Agit 883 a “Women’s Liberation Front” proclaimed in 1969 combatively that “it will raise silently out of the darkness, strike and disappear again”, and criticized the women who “brag about jumping onto a party express without realizing that the old jalopy has to be electrified first before it can drive. They’ve chosen security over the struggle.“
Many women joined the Red Army Fraction and the anarchist militant 2 June Movement. Neither of these terrorist groups showed feminist concerns. However, in the 1980s the women's group Rote Zora split from the Revolutionäre Zellen, legitimized militance with feminist theory and attacked among others Siemens, Nixdorf and research institutes of bio and genetic engineering. A dispute between three German militants in Der Spiegel summarizes the gender perspective.
Young anarcha-feminists at an anti-globalization protest quote Emma Goldman
An important aspect of anarcha-feminism is its opposition to traditional concepts of family, education and gender roles. The institution of marriage is one of the most widely opposed. De Cleyre argued that marriage stifled individual growth and Goldman argued that it "is primarily an economic arrangement... [woman] pays for it with her name, her privacy, her self-respect, her very life". Anarcha-feminists have also argued for non-hierarchical family and educational structures and had a prominent role in the creation of the Modern School in New York City, based on the ideas of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia.
"The Fine Art of Labeling: The Convergence of Anarchism, Feminism, and Bisexuality", by Lucy Friedland and Liz Highleyman, is a piece in Bi Any Other Name: Bisexual People Speak Out (1991), an anthology edited by Loraine Hutchins and Lani Ka'ahumanu which is one of the seminal books in the history of the modern bisexual rights movement.
Contemporary anarcha-feminism has been noted for its heavy influence on ecofeminism: "Ecofeminists rightly note that except for anarcha-feminist, no feminist perspective has recognized the importance of healing the nature/culture division". Contemporary anarcha-feminist writers/theorists include Maria Mies, Peggy Kornegger, L. Susan Brown, the eco-feminist Starhawk and the post-left anarchist and anarcho-primitivist Lilith.
In the pamphlet Anarchism - the Feminist Connection (1975), Kornegger uses three major principles to define anarchism:
- "Belief in the abolition of authority, hierarchy, government." - "Belief in both individuality and collectivity." - "Belief in both spontaneity and organization."
She uses the example of an anarchist tradition in Spain leading to spontaneous appropriation of factories and land during the Spanish Civil War ( 1936 – 1939 ) to highlight the possibility of collective revolutionary change, and the failure of the 1968 French strike to highlight the problems of inadequate preparation and left-wing authoritarianism. Kornegger links the necessity of a specifically feminist anarchist revolution not only to the subjection of women by male anarchists, but also to the necessity of replacing hierarchical "subject/object" relationships with "subject-to-subject" relationships.
In the past decades, two films have been produced about anarcha-feminism. Libertarias is a historical drama made in 1996 about the Spanish anarcha-feminist organizationMujeres Libres. In 2010, the Argentinian film Ni dios, ni patrón, ni marido was released which is centered on the story of anarcha-feministVirginia Bolten and her publishing of the newspaper La Voz de la Mujer (English: The Woman's Voice).
During the Spanish civil war Anarchist women battalions took part in the fighting on the Republican side
Violence against women often only stops or decreases where women unite, strike, struggle and fight back. There should be solidarity between men and women, but fact in reality is that there are few Feminist men, and that in many parts of the world women have to stand up for themselves.